This War II (Lockley, 2017). There are many theories

This section will provide an overview of the
Muslim immigration and understand the motivation of migrants to settle in the
Britain. According to 2011 census, Ali (2011) reports that Muslims form 4.8% of
overall population in Britain, and the population has dramatically increased from 1.55 million
to 2.71 million in the Britain between 2001 and 2011. Nevertheless, Muslim
population is ethnically diverse. The largest ethnic category is Asian, which comprises
1.83 million of 2.71 million, and about 32% non-Asian, which includes small
parts of white Muslim and Black & Minority Ethnic Muslim. 76% of the Muslim
population live in inner city areas such as London, West Midlands, the North
West and Yorkshire and Humberside (Ali, 2011).

In the 18th century, there was a major technical
innovation shift from sail to steam vessels in the trading-shipping industry.

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This was the most profound impact on Muslim settlement in Britain, as it is
created numerous jobs vacancies for them. However, the jobs were hot, dirty and
tiring, and labour of this type was normally rejected by European White workers
(Gilliat-Ray, 2010). Therefore, workers from
former colonies with rich experience in merchant shipping traditions were drawn
and preferred for this industry. A noteworthy aspect of this process was that
there were significant numbers of Muslim soldiers who fought for British
freedom in the World War I and the World War II (Lockley, 2017).

There are many theories related to migration. In
this part, ‘push-pull’ theory and ‘networks theory’ is applied to the history
of Muslim settlement in Britain after World War II. ‘Push and pull’ theory explains that people leave a country of origin due
to lack of the economic opportunities, religious or political unrest.  Migrants are attracted towards
destination countries where there are more job opportunities, demand for labour
and political freedom. The Second World War resulted in massive destruction and
severe labour shortages in the UK (Barbera, 2015). On the other hand, the
economic boom and the rapid development of manufacturing
industry provided an abundance of opportunities for unskilled and semi-skilled
workers to work in the metropolitan manufacturing cities such as Manchester,
Birmingham and Bradford (Gilliat-Ray, 2010). The domestic labour scarcity brought
a new pattern of Muslim settlement in the UK. Barbera (2015) states that at
that time, the government encouraged immigration from the New Commonwealth countries.

The evidence shows large-scale immigration of Muslims from the Indian
subcontinent, such as India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. They spread cross in
Britain (London, the West Midlands, the North West and Yorkshire, Scotland and

‘Network theory’ explains how migrants create
social connection with other family and migrants back in their homeland. These
networks encourage and facilitate migration (Kalra, 2000). These communities were searching for a better quality
of life because of the economic decline in their home countries.  The statistics showed that they could earn an
income 30 times greater in the UK compared with in their homeland (BBC, 2009).

However, the majority of Muslim migrants left their families behind, so they
sent most of their income ‘back home’ to support their families (Gilliat-Ray,
2010). They were settling in areas where the textiles industry as well as other
expanding trades demanded labour. Noteworthy was that once the migration
process began, relatives and friends were encouraged to follow. This process
was slowly accelerated as social networks reformed.

They were limited in their
ability to access education and job opportunities, as well as higher quality
housing and health services. Ethnic minorities tend to have a large family size
and live close to each other to for maintain their family, social, and
community structure.  In terms
of the ethnic minorities working circumstances, Abbas and Ijaz (2009) state
that the migrants were placed at the bottom of the labour market due to little
education and linguistic barriers and as a result, their options were limited.

Lawless (1977) states that based on the religious stratification, different jobs
were, at times, assigned to different ethnic groups. For example, Muslims worked
in the engine rooms on ships, whereas Hindus would be allocated into the decks
and Christians would be distributed in the saloon. Clearly, Muslim were
assigned more arduous work and worked in poor condition, but they gained
considerably less financial rewards than their British counterparts. Statistics
showed that they only gain one-third or one-quarter those of a British native
worker (Lawless, 1997).

Given these circumstances, it
is hard for them to be upwardly mobile. As a result, Abbas and Ijaz noted that Muslims
experienced a high degree of disrespect, prejudice, racism and discrimination
by their host society. In the 1960s, British members of Parliament Enoch Powell criticised the
mass immigration. In 1962, his speech “Rivers of Blood” was strongly against
the influx of ‘coloured’ (both Muslim and non-Muslim) to the England, because
they were ‘incapable of ordinary and decent family life’ (Ward, 2004). In
1968, Powell declared that Indian and Asian babies born in the UK were not
British. He worried that the migrants will have the whip hand over the white man (Ward, 2004). The Labour government
considered the migrants as ‘aliens’ rather than British citizens. Therefore,
Miles (1989) states that the Labour government reduced the immigration labour
inflow to Britain to meet political concerns. This was in response to the British Nationality
Act, passed in 1948. The Act created the status of “Citizen of the United
Kingdom and Colonies” (CUKC) as the national citizenship of the UK and its